Wider Eurasia’s technological collaboration is forming a different grammar for global digital governance that values sovereignty while preserving interdependence. Regional actors are jointly opposing the unipolar logic of globalization with a more pluralistic, modular, and sovereign-first framework as they exercise control over data, infrastructure, and innovation ecosystems.
Introduction
On January 7, 2025, the World Economic Forum released the Global Cooperation Barometer, 2025 (Second Edition) at a time when geopolitical relationships are extremely volatile and several countries are at war, resulting from long-standing conflicts. In the words of Borge Brende, President and CEO of the WEF, “What the Barometer shows is that cooperation is not only essential to address crucial economic, environmental and technological challenges, it is possible within today’s more turbulent context.”
The Expansion of the Eurasian Matrix
In this global interplay, Wider Eurasia is a supercontinent and a pivotal geopolitical force, commanding international attention. New institutional arrangements are shaping the geopolitical frontier, such as the Belt and Road Initiative, the Eurasian Economic Union, ASEAN, and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. The developing concept of “Wider Eurasia” reflects a strategic move away from West-centric globalism and towards a multipolar order based on regionalism, digital sovereignty, and national priorities. Wider Eurasia, which stretches from the Russian Far East through Central Asia and South-East Asia, represents a diverse group of countries pursuing cooperative development free from ideological homogeneity.
In recent years, Eurasia has witnessed a growing momentum toward deeper technological collaboration, propelled not merely by the pressures of geopolitical flux and economic sanctions, but also by a conscious and strategic pursuit of digital sovereignty, collective security, and shared prosperity.
In the report released, one of the five pillars to test the landscape of cooperation is Technology and Innovation. It is an emergent norm within the framework of global governance, whose legitimacy and authority stem from the basic norm of pacta sunt servanda, and the overarching presupposition that international law ought to be obeyed.
One of the most important international organizations in Wider Eurasia, the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU), which includes Russia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Armenia, and Kyrgyzstan, is committed to extending digital trade initiatives to improve regional connectivity, expedite trade procedures, and economic integration. Beyond digital signatures and electronic document interchange, the EAEU’s digital transformation of trade also includes digital logistics, cross-border e-commerce regulatory frameworks, and the incorporation of cutting-edge technology like blockchain and AI into trade systems.
According to the Eurasian Research Institute report “Digital Agenda of the Eurasian Economic Union”, the Eurasian Economic Council predicted the EAEU’s GDP would increase by up to 1% annually by 2025. One of the most fundamental documents laying down the vision of technological cooperation within the member states in EAEU and beyond it is The EAEU 2025 Digital Agenda, which aims at creating a single digital economy in the region and achieving associated digital dividends. The foundation of the EAEU common digital space is the establishment of a scalable, secure, and common digital infrastructure and platforms for the growth of the Union’s digital economy. These would include broadband internet access in all Union member states, which would open doors for the emergence of new industries, services, and jobs as well as for expansion and more effective international relations.
era of fragmentation requires us to strengthen our respective national systems of innovation, improve our connectivity through shared tools of planning and coordination, and increase our confidence in advancing
EAEU, SCO, and Beyond
The Shanghai Cooperation Organization, an eight-nation organization which includes Belarus, China, India, Iran, Russia, Pakistan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan, was originally created as a security bloc but is no longer restricted to this role. In 2023, the adoption of Digital Public Infrastructure (DPI) proposed by India made headlines; on the same note, the SCO members opened to considering the prospect of establishing an organization that will determine common standards for the interoperability of the digital systems that each nation is developing.
The quest for digital sovereignty, a reaction to perceived vulnerabilities stemming from Western technological dependence, is a defining feature of Eurasian cooperation. This change is exemplified by China’s construction of the Qianfan AI infrastructure and Russia’s ambition to create its own satellite clusters. These national systems have the potential to be nodes in a common Eurasian digital backbone in addition to being independent architectures.
The list does not end there; the Trans-Afghan Railway is a designed recalibration of spatial relations throughout Eurasia, as well as a transport project and a purposeful act of infrastructure strategy. On a similar note, the introduction of the International North-South Transport Corridor reflects how transport connection projects are being redesigned as intelligent, tech-integrated infrastructures that support digital customs, logistics platforms, and AI-based route optimization, rather than just being trade corridors. These points where digital and physical infrastructure converge open up new possibilities for international innovation.
The position of various countries is that we can’t embrace what’s ‘futuristic’ without quantum computing. The Lebedev Physical Institute (FIAN) has announced the successful testing of a 50-qubit quantum computer, indicating that Russia is among several nations leading the way in this field of research. The discovery, which was verified by FIAN researcher Ilya Zalivako and announced by the state news agency TASS, is a major step forward in Russia’s ambitious quantum computing agenda, which is being managed by the state-owned nuclear company Rosatom.
India has positioned itself as a key contender in the rapidly advancing field of quantum computing. The National Quantum Mission (NQM) a 60 billion INR Indian government initiative, will run from 2023-24 to 2030-31 and aims to seed, foster, and scale up scientific and industry R&D as well as establish a dynamic and inventive ecosystem in Quantum Technology (QT). It was authorized by the nation’s cabinet on April 19, 2023. It fosters India’s ecosystem, boosts QT-led economic growth, and positions the country as a pioneer in the development of quantum technologies and applications (QTA).
Challenges
Eurasian technical integration is not without its difficulties, despite the momentum. Deep disparities exist among member states in terms of financial resources, regulatory preparedness, and digital capability. Concerns about technical dependence on bigger players like China and Russia are raised by the fact that nations like Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan fall behind in Cybersecurity frameworks and AI usage. Furthermore, overlapping mandates and coordination fatigue are frequently caused by the diversity of institutions. There is currently no clear cross-platform governance roadmap. Furthermore, policy harmonization is made more difficult by conflicts between national security and digital openness, particularly in areas like surveillance and cross-border data flows.
India and Wider Eurasia
Despite not being a part of the EAEU, India is becoming more and more involved in the SCO and has close bilateral relations with both Russia and Central Asia. India is in a strong position to contribute normatively to Eurasian cooperation as a technological powerhouse with a strong DPI. India is well connected to Wider Eurasia, owing to its participation in the International North-South Corridor and its stake in the Iranian port of Chabahar.
Conclusion
Wider Eurasia’s technological collaboration is forming a different grammar for global digital governance that values sovereignty while preserving interdependence. Regional actors are jointly opposing the unipolar logic of globalization with a more pluralistic, modular, and sovereign-first framework as they exercise control over data, infrastructure, and innovation ecosystems.
The movement is not isolationist. Conversely, Wider Eurasia’s adoption of adaptable institutions, collaboratively created technology platforms, and educational exchanges marks a shift in globalization away from homogenization and towards distinct yet compatible sovereignties. The viability of this approach will depend on whether shared norms, mutual trust, and strategic autonomy can coexist in the face of ongoing regulatory variation and infrastructure asymmetries. Wider Eurasia presents not only a regional option in this changing environment, but also a possible model for a multipolar, digitally autonomous global order.
